Study Methodology

2.1. Research Approach and Study Team

The study employed qualitative methodology to provide for a more in-depth picture of the situation of the deminers and their families and to provide for a better understanding of their perceptions and preferences.  The following activities were undertaken:
  • Literature reviews 
  • A total of 146 semi-structured interviews were conducted with the following respondents:
  • CMAC management staff (directorate and department heads) at headquarter (HQ) level in Phnom Penh (11 people were interviewed at the CMAC headquarters)
  • CMAC middle-management at provincial demining unit (DU) level (6 people were interviewed at each demining unit, a total of 24 people)
  • Deminers, their families and the local communities (111 respondents in total)
  • Observations of the living conditions and work of deminers in four provinces. In the remote demining locations in Preah Vihear province the team stayed overnight at the platoon camps with the deminers and their families.  This contributed to a clearer understanding of the everyday activities of the deminers and their customary living conditions.  Time constraints for the study did mean that it was more a case of swift-observation rather than in-depth study, and there was a lack of time to visit all of the provinces where CMAC works.  It is possible that there are some differences in conditions depending upon deployment.
  • Interviews with other mine action organisations and stakeholders – MAG, HALO Trust, QAsia, and NPA. This helped to gain their perspective on demining operations in Cambodia, information on their own operations and human resource management and to provide some comparison with the CMAC policies.
  • Presentation of main findings to CMAC management at HQ.  Feedback from the management has been taken into consideration in this final report.

The research team conducting the study consisted of an expatriate team leader who was responsible for ensuring the overall quality, planning and implementation of the study and for preparing the final report.  Three male research officers took a leading role in conducting the interviews in the field with the support of two female research assistants who had been recruited on an internship basis with NPA.  The female researchers were essential when it came to conducting interviews with the wives of the deminers, many of whom were initially afraid or shy to talk.  Some degree of trust was developed between the female researchers and the wives, particularly when time was taken to prepare food together.

2.2. Target Groups and Target Areas for Research

The fieldwork was conducted from 31st January until 22nd February 2006.  The study focused on four of the CMAC Demining Units (DU): DU 1 in Banteay Meanchey province, DU 2 in Battambang, DU 3 in Pailin and DU 4 in Preah Vihear.  Up until recently CMAC had 6 demining units responsible for operations in 9 provinces, although at the beginning of the year DU 5 in Pursat was closed and the operations merged with DU 2 in Battambang.  The choice of demining units for study was decided on in agreement with CMAC based on the extent of operations, the number of different teams working under each DU and to allow for some contrast between relatively remote operations such as in Preah Vihear, with the more accessible operations along the border areas of Battambang, Pailin and Banteay Meanchey.

The study focused on a cross-section of CMAC field staff working in different teams so as to get an understanding of the differences and similarities of issues and problems right across CMAC.  The following teams were covered by the study:

  • Mobile Platoons
  • Brush Cutters
  • Community Mine Clearance
  • Mine Detection Dogs (MDD) including:
  • Short Leash dog teams (SLD)
  • Long Leash dog teams (LLD)
  • Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD)
  • Technical Survey Teams (TST)
  • Technical Survey Clearance (TSC)
  • Community Based Deminers (CBD)
Within each team, different team members were interviewed to get a cross-section of roles and responsibilities and to enable comparison between the viewpoints of the different members.  Where female team members were present the research team insured that they were favoured for interview due to their relatively low numbers within the overall CMAC staffing.

Interviews were conducted with the wives of the deminers who were staying at the demining camps with their husbands.  There were no cases of husbands staying with their wives if the wives were the CMAC employee.  Community members were also interviewed to gain their perceptions on the demining operations and their relationship with CMAC.

CMAC also requested that the study team provide some comparison with the operations of different organisations working in humanitarian mine action.  To this end interviews were conducted with staff from HALO Trust and MAG, and copies of their policies, staff procedures and contracts were obtained.  NPA staff and QAsia staff who have taken on monitoring and auditing roles at CMAC demining units were also interviewed to gain their perspective on the situation and also how things had either improved or deteriorated based on their ongoing observations.

2.3. Strengths and Constraints

The time constraints meant that the team were unable to follow a complete cycle for a demining task.  This would have involved seeing arrival in an area, implementation of a task and departure and would have contributed to a clearer understanding of the lives of the deminers and the dynamics between the teams and the communities in which they are working.  As we were only able to interview local people in communities where CMAC was currently working, the answers were perhaps influenced by the presence of CMAC staff in the villages.  From interviews with deminers and with middle management it seems that conflicts tended to arise after departure from an area, so this would have been a valuable time to interview local people.

The mixed team, the triangulation of the data from the different teams, the HQ and the DUs, and from the methods of interviewing, observation and comparing with secondary data comprise the strengths of the research process.  The methods were strongly qualitative meaning that the perspectives from the field are reflected in more depth.

Due to the sensitivity of some of the question areas, particularly those asking information and feedback on management issues, the team guaranteed the confidentiality of the respondents.  In order to keep this confidentiality, the team numbers and the names of the respondents are not used in this report.


CMAC Deminer

The Cambodian Mine Action Centre (CMAC) was established in April 1992 as the national mine action body responsible for mine/UXO clearance and the coordination of demining activities in Cambodia.  The organisation fully assumed these responsibilities on the completion of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) mission in October 1993.  Over the past 13 years of its existence, CMAC has evolved and changed in line with general trends in the mine action sector.  Beginning as a largely emergency operation under the umbrella of the peacekeeping mission, CMAC has been moving from a centralised, military-dominated organisational structure to a more decentralised, civil structure.  Longer-term planning has allowed for more effective and efficient utilisation of resources and increasing emphasis has been placed on orienting the mine action approach to addressing the socio-economic needs of the mine-affected communities.  The priorities for resource deployment are based on humanitarian needs, aiming to return land and infrastructure to safe and productive use and to reduce the risks faced by communities living in mine contaminated areas.  In September 2000 the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC) established the Cambodian Mine Action Authority (CMAA) to take over responsibility for national coordination and regulation, allowing CMAC to focus on the provision of mine and UXO clearance, marking, training and risk education.

While the operations in the field, addressing the problems of landmine and UXO contamination, have been the main focus and concern of mine action operators, donors and policy makers, human resource management and the welfare of field staff is of crucial importance to the success of operations.  The core activity of the CMAC mine action programme is manual mine clearance, a time consuming, labour intensive, repetitive, costly and dangerous process involving a handheld metal detector, a probe, a trowel and a knife to excavate around mines.  This manual clearance is supplemented by other tools such as the brush cutter and the mine detection dogs.  Currently CMAC has a total of 2,400 staff and approximately 97% of these are field staff deployed in remote and often difficult locations throughout the north and northwest of Cambodia.   Many of the staff have been working with CMAC since the early 1990s.  Because of this reliance on human resources to get the job done, CMAC appreciates that the quality of work very much reflects the performance and commitment of the deminers themselves.  This performance and commitment is shaped by both the effectiveness of the management structure and the welfare and living conditions of the deminers.

As the mine action environment continues to evolve and change, new challenges and pressures have emerged that have impacted on CMAC and affected the way in which the human resources are managed and deployed. There has been a drive for increased competitiveness, flexibility, responsiveness and quality.  Mine action is required to be more sustainable, integrated with broader development initiatives and able to demonstrate that activities are providing a real contribution to the expressed needs of the mine/UXO affected communities.  These challenges require changes, which can also affect the morale, motivation and performance of deminers in the field.

This study was initiated by CMAC management in an effort to better understand the situation for their deminers working in the field and how this reflects on current management structures, practice and the quality of operations.  Through in-depth interviews with field and with management staff, the study explored the perceptions of the deminers towards their work and the impacts on their own life, that of their families and on the communities in which they are working.  Factors included overall management, policies, logistics, medical support, welfare and living conditions.  Analysis was also made of the way in which changes in the mine action approach within CMAC is internalised by deminers and affecting the way that they work and their expectations for the future.

This study report outlines the main findings of the study.  The report presents some recommendations as to how current management structures and practices can be enhanced so as to result in better human resource management, how deminer welfare and support can be improved for the deminers and their families, and how the capacity and motivation of the deminers can be developed in the light of the evolving mine action environment.

1.2. Objectives of the Study
  1. To better understand the perception of CMAC deminers towards CMAC management structure and practice and how this affects their morale, behaviour and commitment to the organisation
  2. To assess the welfare of CMAC deminers in terms of living conditions, health issues (including HIV/AIDS, STDs, malaria etc.) and organisational benefits (salary and savings, accident compensation, leave entitlements etc)
  3. To examine the impact of the job of the deminers on their families (wives and children) and on the communities in which they work
  4. To provide key recommendations for CMAC management in terms of  how they can improve overall human resource management and welfare of deminers and develop a strategic plan for ongoing capacity building in the evolving mine action environment

New Resettlement

This resettlement site is the thirds resettlements that implemented by NPA in Cambodia. NPA have experience from the other two-resettlement sites and this is the third one that NPA draw up the resettlement for 2000 families by using some experiences from the other two.

The first resettlement in BTKC NPA only resettling 211 families, but this resettlement is ten times more than the first resettlement. The majority of the people in the resettlement site they are working as laborers at the border areas and some of them are working in Thailand like construction worker, working in the farmland etc. Most of them they are only relies on the border area, if the border close they are lose their job and they have no food to eat, most of them are food insecurity. The most difficulty that they have so far is work to do; if they don't have any work to do they don't have anything to eat.

In that area they don't have any problem regarding to the water, because they have enough water to drink or using, NPA provided 25 wells in that village and some more well at the public area, and the quality of the water in this village also good quality and the villagers they never complain about the quality of the water too. Up to now many plot that they also drilling their own well at their own plot, because one drilling well is not expensive they only spend about 2000 baht or a bite more that in each well, but the well is not the same as well that provided by NPA.

There are many of the committee that set up by NPA and DWG it's seem to be not working, because they think they not get any benefited from their work, they don't care anymore about community assets. Well committee because they are volunteer to clean the well, especially the 2 of plots that close to the well they are need to look after the well, because these 2 plots they don't pick up the draw because they are volunteer to look after the well. But up to now they not respected their commitment with NPA or with their own community.

Water point committee they have their own fund to repair the well, but when they spend some money to repair the well and they need to collect some of that amount back the water user not distribute. This problem is the courses of making WPC are not commitment with their work. Sometime when the WPC telling the WUG by not allow them to wash the cloths at the well, or asking them help to clean the well but the user not listen to them and sometimes the WUG want to bite WPC too.

This we can see that the WUG they lack of thinking and they think that the well is not belong to them, they think that the well are belong to NPA and they said that when the well is broken NPA will repair it for them, so that they don't need to spend the money on that, this mean that they are not the own of community, they only rely on the organization.

On the other hand WPC they also looking at to get some benefit from the community or from NGO because they saw some committee that they get some benefit like VHR that they get stipend from ZOA, or from the other NGO that they work for.

When NPA did the resettlement in Poi Pet because we want to move all the people from the slump area, but up to now when we move the old people is the new people coming into the same area. For doing this work we can see that if we keep continue to do any more resettlement that still encourage the movement of the people coming into the new area that they think they may get more benefit. The best thing that we can make is educating the people not to sell the land and move from one area to the other one, it's not the solution that can be reduce the poverty within their own family.

For the NGO that working relating to land and resettlement should think and think again and again to find out it's the best way or not that we set up the resettlement site or to relocated the people from one area to the other area. Because when we move the people we should think about the impact of moving the people.

NPA resettlement program that we did in Poi Pet we try to help the people that they live at the slump area from epidemic of cholera, but when we move the old people after that a lot of new people come in and live in the same area. The best way that we can do is

  • Work closely with the authorities that working in that area by protecting all the new people those want to move into that area
  • Developing that area to be something that people can't build the house
  • Before moving the people make sure what we want to do in that area
The security in the village now is very serous because the authorities they don't care about any situation of the people in the village. Police that they getting support from the community but they don't work for the community, they always taking from the people when they asking support from the villager.
  • The authorities and the government should think again about the structure in that village, structure of commune, police, and other group leader
  • The VDC in that village need to structure again to, because now they are not working as VDC they work as authority in the village, and so far they are corruption by using the community fund NGO or authorities should think about the drug us and drug selling in the village too, because many problem are coming from the drug use in the village that many people in the village they complain that NGO and the same as Department of Health should think about the health issues in the village, especially many people they effected with HIV and TB in the village.
  • The government should think about the border guards (Police and Custom) because all these people they also make a difficulty to the poor people that make labor like handcart worker.

Three - Finding

3-1- Introduction


Prochea Thom is the new one village that organized by NPA, NPA spend a lot of budget on that process. Base on the requested from the authorities that appeal to all NGO and or IO that working in that area to help all the people that living in the slum area such as Kbal Spean village and Palilay village. Because in that two village they lack of hygiene and living in bad environment. On the other hand they face with Cholera that kill around 30 people.

NPA is the humanitarian de-mining and community development try to support and help them from that situation. In Kbal spean village are 2224 household, in that amount of household NPA and ZOA interviewed 2767 families and Palilay village there are 1173 house hold we did interviewed with 1332 families. The total of the families that we did interview is 4099 families.

In the beginning NPA try to help to move all the people that we did the interview but when we divide the people with the land that the authority give to NPA is not enough to resettle for that amount of the people, after that NPA need to setup the criteria for selecting the people are more vulnerable. After setup the criteria NPA and ZOA also by cooperated with DWG we selected 1998 families out of 4099 families.


3-2- Living Condition

When NPA moved the people from those two villages 1998 families, total population is 13011, female 7902 and male 5109. In 1998 there are 344 widow families (Female head of household) and 90 are disable families. The living condition of the people over there are very difficult and either they also their have many diseases that can be kill, like cholera, and or other.

Most of living conditions of the people at the resettlement site are now is better than before, how ever they have small plot and small house, but it's better than before that they live at the slump area, bad environment, and also cholera epidemic too. Some of them now they can grow some of fruit tree, vegetable, banana tree and other. When they live at the old place they can grow nothing, because they are build a small house connect to each other and very muddy in the wet season.

In the new village (Prochea Thom) now they have the own land, they can do everything up to them, but they need to follow the rules and regulations to gain the land title deed. Most of them they build a house with the materials that provided by NPA, up to now all that materials are very old (Since 2000), some of them are replace with the new one. Now some house they have quite in good condition, some they have concrete house and some they have wooden house in good condition, but more house are small and in poor condition.

Up to now most of the housing condition are too old, some families that they have better job in Thailand they can make their new house, but the other that they have any job they can't build the new house. In the village new a few of concrete are building, some of that are new owner that they have the money to build the land and build the new house. The new owner most of them are the moneylender, and they live at Poi Pet. Some of them they got the land are very cheap, because they lend the money to the land owner with higher interest and when the land owner can't pay them back they may take the land.


3-3- Personal Information

Base on the report from Mr. Thiem Rithy, land and resettlement assistant that he done his research study at Prochea Thom village about why people are leaves from the resettlement and why most of the people that they can stay the resettlement site. In his reports he mention that there are 33% of the people that living in the site are returnees and 67% are the local people that come from the other province within Cambodia.












The local people 67% are also include IDPs. Most of the local people that we mention here are come from the poor province in Cambodia such as Prey Veng, Svay Rieng (South-east of Cambodia) and some come from Takeo (South-west of Cambodia), and also some come from Siem Riep (North of Cambodia) and some are the local people in Battambang and also Banteay Meanchey Province.

The returnees when they arrive in Cambodia they also received some of money from organization they provided, like adult is $50 in each and children are $25 in each. But this amount of the money can't help them much, because the land is every expensive at their homeland.  Some people when the return from the camp they go back to the old village, but they don't have nay land because their land are already distributed to the other people by the authorities. They need to buy some land for house construction and or farmland. But after they live over there for a few months or a year and they found that they can't stay over there because they can't do any farming because drought and or flooding. Sometime they raise animal and animal dead and make they lose all the money.

The difficulty of the people that they have experience to live in the camp, because when they arrived in Cambodia they don't have any land, and sometime when they go back to their old village they have no any relative or their land are already distribute to the other people. On the other hand when they stay at the camp they do nothing because they getting support from UNHCR or other refugees support organization at the Cambodia/Thai border. So that when they arrived in Country they don't know how to make the money or how to get income for their livelihoods. During we did the research in that village some people they also complain about that too. They say that when they were in the camp they getting support everything from organization, but here they got nothing. Because when they are in the camp they got rice, food etc for cooking, they are not worry about eating, and they not worry about health.

I used to live in the camp, site II. I left for the camp in 1981 when I was 15 years old. I left the camp to live in Moung Russey district in 1993. I was provided with some money. They gave $50 per adult and less for children. I came to live in Poi Pet because I don't have land in Moung Ressey and had no job to do too, so I had to come to Poi Pet.
Mrs. Phin Pheng, cluster 5, plot 192.

The local people that they are very poor in they can't make their business, or sometime in their old village faced with disaster like flood or drought, so that they need to find a better place to feed their familiar's life. When they decided like that they need to find some information and seek a better place to live. Some people they heard that Poi Pet is the best place to make the money through their relative or their friend, after some people they sold all their land to come to Poi Pet.


I left for Poi Pet in 1996. I left my birthplace because I was so poor and I could not earn any money and I did not have any farmland too. I could not grow rice because there was a drought and so I had to leave.
Mr. Keo Sitha, cluster 6, plot 42.


I left Takeo province when my eldest daughter was 5 years old. I left Kirivong district because my standard of living was difficult. I had farmland in Takeo but the rice was destroyed because of the floods. I have sold that land now. I left Sdau village to live in Poi Pet in 1994.
Mr. Tong Kdop, cluster 7, plot 188.


3-4- Background on the Resettlement process

NPA and the same as with ZOA, they cooperated each other to established this resettlement site. ZOA they are base work in Poi Pet and now they are also expand to Ordomeanchey province. NPA and ZOA did interview with 4099 families in 2 villages, Kbal Spean and Palilay village. In the beginning NPA want to move all the people that did the interview but after finished the inter and divide into plot we found that there are not enough land for that people, because the authorities only provide the land 114 ha to NPA for develop this resettlement site.

Base on the land is limited NPA and the same as DWG set up the criteria to select the beneficiaries who is more vulnerable, because the land that we had is not enough for 4099 families, the land are enough only 2000 families. After we design and divided into plot we did the interview again to find the people who is more vulnerable to provide the land plot. For selecting the vulnerable families we also review our criteria three time to meet our objective.

The people at the resettlement site most of them they say the same that organization went to their house and did interview with them. The origination that they mention is ZOA and NPA. They said that organization did interview with them and tell them they will distribute some of land but they don't know the size of land yet on that time. After interview they also took the photos too.

The first time the organization came to research every family, and then they interviewed the people who were very poor and had nowhere to settle. They asked people many questions and took photographs of the people. When they interviewed me they told me that they would provided me with the land, but they did not tell me what size of the land would be.
Mr. Prim Doeung, cluster 1, plot 71.


All of the people at the resettlement site they are very happy when they received the plot of land even the land is small, but it is bigger and better the old place that they live in the slum area. They volunteer to be there, no one push him or her to be there. When they are arrived in the new land they need to clear their own land, starting to build the house and latrine by using all the materials that provided by NPA.

I had a good feeling and was happy when I cam to live here first of all. I thought that I had land and so I did not want to move to another place. I volunteered to live here by myself. No one forced me to live here. I did not know the village before I came to live here.
Mrs. Cheng Mom, VDC member and Community Health Representative, cluster 1, plot 107.

The area that we set up the resettlement site is the former forestry but during that we organized the resettlement is no forest, because people already cutting the big trees, but there are some more small tree and thatch in that area. After distribution the villagers they need to clear the land and build the house. NPA and the same as DWG are not allowed the resident to swap their land; if they not follow that they may not receive the temporary land title.

I spent about 3 months to dig and clear everything because I had to do another job and to be able to buy food to eat. So I had to dig and clear in the evening, because in the morning and afternoon I went to earn money in Poi Pet. I dug and cleared the land at 4 or 5 PM. We did not employ anyone to help us, we did it ourselves. I think our plot has a good location and I am happy with it. I never thought about swapping the plot with another. No one here changed plots because NPA did not allow anyone to change plots.
Mrs. Cheng Mom, VDC member and Community Health Representative, cluster 1, plot 107.


Most of them that come to live in the new area, they don't know the situation of this land before, they just knew that the area is former forestry and full of forest and no mines in the area.

I did not see the area before we came to live here, only when I came with the organization. It was full of forest and it did not have the roads.
Mrs. Sril Ang, cluster 1, plot 166.


We have step by step to resettle the people in the new village, in the new village we ten clusters and in each cluster we divide into 200 hundred families. In each cluster we settle the people in four time, it's mean that in each time we settle 50 families. When we settle in each 50 families we explained to them about the rules and regulations and provided training to them about health and hygiene. After that NPA provided them all of the housing kits such as Nials, Bamboo, thatch, wire, and some tools like axe, knife, hoe etc.

We invited the people to joint the meetings three times before we allowed them to resettle in this village. We invited the people to join one meeting in the center to select the people for the 10 clusters. It took one week to settle 50 families, and one month to organize the 200 families in one cluster. So it took 10 months to organize the resettlement for all the families in the 10 clusters. Then we provided the plot locations by drawing the lots.
Mr. Touch Lay, former NPA staff, Poi Pet field coordinator.

Before NPA want to provide them a housing but we can get approval from the government to transport some wood from difference area, because during that time they close a lot of companies that cutting wood and transport the wood illegally. After that NPA decide provided them only housing kits and tools only, and some money that NPA prepare to buy housing kit NPA use for the other thing such as build the road and put the laterite.

We provided the families with some materials like a spade, a knife, an axe, and then house materials like bamboo, nails, wire, thatch grass and then 4 toilet rings, a toilet seal and cover. NPA had the plan to distribute the house to the people, but unfortunately the government did not allow us to buy any wood, and so we returned and gave them materials.
Mr. Touch Lay, former NPA staff, Poi Pet field Coordinator.

By setting up the new village, it's same as organize a new family. NPA provided a lot of materials to the people at the resettlement site. The villagers they are very happy and thanks full to NPA, because they think that NPA like their parents, and sometimes NPA are better than their parents, because their parents sometime have no provided such thing to them because they are poor. NPA provided them land, housing kits and tools.

NPA provided some materials like a knife, a spade, and axe, a water jar, thatch, bamboo and some small pieces of wood. The equipment was provided free and I was very happy when I got it. I think that it was enough for a small house. I didn't lack anything. But this house, I just built it myself.
Mrs. Srey Phalla, cluster 2, plot 20.

The new villagers at the new village (Prochea Thom) they are very happy with the new land that they got, most of them they have now land somewhere else, they expected that they will stay there forever, they don't want to move to the other place. Some they say that they don't want to move because they don't know where they need to move.

I think I will stay here for along time because I don't want to go to live anywhere else. I don't know other families that have moved from this village. I only know that they went to make business somewhere and then they will come back again.
Mrs. Mau Peoun, cluster 4, plot 4.

How ever they got the new land and they stay in the land, but base on the research finding from Mr. Thiem Rithy and also from the result of evaluation of the DWG and NPA they found that some of the plot are abandons and some are already sold.

3-5- Economic Characteristic and Survival Strategies

Most of the people that they live at the slump area and after that they move to Prochea Thom village, they all complain when they are stay at the old village they are very difficult, they have no land for cultivation. Some they have the land but small land or sometime because of the weather that they can't grove rice or vegetable.

Some people they say that because of poor they always seek for any information regarding to the job opportunity or the work place, and when they heard that in Poi Pet is more easy to get a job or they can work in Thailand more easily. After that most of them are sell everything that they have to come to Poi Pet. When they arrived in Poi Pet they don't have any land or house so that they need to rent a house or build a small house at the slump area. When the new people coming in the slump area are more grow up the populations.

Most of the work that they can find at the border is laborers, hand cart worker or selling small thing at the border, some children they can work as hand cart workers or carry some good to cross the border in illegal. To do this thing they need to cross the small stream between Cambodia and Thai border, sometime they catch by Thai border guard, and sometime by Cambodian border guard. If lucky they can cross the border with some good they will earn some money like 20 baht or 50 baht up to amount of material that they carry. All that materials they have the owner at Thai market that not far from the border, it's around 300 meters from the border.

Most of the people living here work as the laborers in Poi Pet. Some of them sew hats to sell at the Thai market because they buy the second hand cloth with which to make the hats. Some make business by being a motor taxi or motor kong bei driver. Some sell groceries at home, and some make other business. There are about 30 video parlors. About 15% of people make a living through selling the hats in Longker market (in Thailand).
Mr. Keo Sambath, VDC leader, cluster 5, plot 158.

If we compare the old place with the place that they live now is a bite far from the border, because it's 4km from the Poi Pet market, and they need to spend 5 baht for transport cost from the village to the border. So that they need to spend 10 for their round trip. Some people they complain that, because in their old village they don't spend the money for their transportation, but now they need to spend for. On the other hand they said that now they lose some of work, because they live far a way from the work place.

I think that it's more difficult to earn money here than in Poi Pet. In Poi Pet there was a lot of work to do, but here I don't have a job except as a moto-taxi driver. Although I was in Poi Pet on the roadside or on the riverbank, I could find the job to do easily. Now I am here in a legal resettlement area supported by NPA, but it's difficult to find a job to do, and so I think this is most important problem in my life. If we travel to the roundabout next to the border gate we have to spend 10 baht for transport and 10 for border pass. If we get a job to do then it is no problem, but if we don't get a job to do then we will meet the problems because we spend the money unsuccessfully.
Mr. Prim Doeung, cluster 1, plot 71.

Before when they stay at the slump area is very close to the work place and they have a lot of network with their friends, and when they have something arrive and they need the labors they are already there, but now they lose of that. Some people they work as the labor at the Thai market, like second cloth washers, waitress or sometime they working as construction worker in Bangkok.

Most people have been laborers since coming here. They have been laborers both in Poi Pet and now here, but some of them change their occupations. Now some of them are handcart porters, some are construction workers, and some are sack carriers, and some are laborers in Bangkok.
Mr. Sril In, village chief, cluster 5, plot 41.

Normally in Poi Pet, especially the people at Prochea Thom village they have experience indebt and they need to pay higher interest to the money lender, sometime when they can't pay the interest the may lose their land or they need to sell their land on the lover price.

I borrowed 2,000 baht and I have to pay 600 baht interest per month. I don't know when I will clear my debt, but I have to try to work. I do hope I will clear my debt some day. If I work everyday I hope I will be able to pay back.
Mr. Thon Sambath, cluster 6, plot 93.

The income generation in the village sometimes is very difficult to live for some of the people that living in the village. Sometimes they can earn only 15 or 20 baht a day (around $0,5) and they need to feed the whole family that has many members. The average income in a normal family is around 50 baht per day and they spend as much the same that they can earn. If some day that they can't earn the money they need to borrow from someone else that can afford or they need to borrow from the moneylender with the higher interest.




My family can earn maybe 50 baht, sometime 100 or 200 baht. It is not regular. But we don't save anything. The amount we spend depends on the income. If we earn a lot we spend it, and if we earn a little we have to spend a little, but we can't save.
Mr. Tong Kdop, cluster 7, plot 188.

NPA think about the entire infrastructure around the resettlement site, because NPA may think that this infrastructure maybe can help to the people that living in the village. Such as when we build the well it help much to the people because they have clean water to use, and when we build the road they get some food from food for work.

We developed the infrastructure in Prochea Thom village like roads, wells, health center, school, vocational training center, drainage culverts and a temporary market. I think that we improved the resettlement site by making this infrastructure. This infrastructure has help to improve the standard of living through better water supplies, road and transport.
Mr. Touch Lay, former NPA staff, Poi Pet field coordinator.


3-6- Design and Rules and Regulations

Most of the villager they say that in the new village is very nice, everything in the village is in good design. When they stay in the old village they have nothing like road, water point, and or environment, but when they came in to the new village they have new road, culvert, latrine and especially they have a plot of land. In the old village they don't have their own land they stay at the public land or private land, or sometime they rent a small hut to stay with a few families in one hut.

I think that this village is better than Psa Ra in Poi Pet center because here we have a good environment and fresh air and fair rules and regulations. If we had farmland to cultivate something it would be better.
Mrs. Cheng Mom, VDC member, and Community Health Representative.


Normally in one village they need to follow the rules and or regulations, anyway in Prochea Thom village is the new village that set up by NPA and DWG need to set up the rules and regulations too. NPA and DWG are setup 12 articles of rules and regulations to use within NPA resettlement site (Prochea Thom village). If we compare the rule and regulation that set up by NPA and DWG with the new land law is look similar too.

How ever in Prochea Thom we have building up the health center but most of the villagers they don't like to go to the health center, they like to buy the medicine at the market for their children or their own. When we did the interview with them they said that they don't like to go there because they need to wait for along time, and before they work only in the morning, because in the morning they need to go to work, and if they don't go to work they don't have money to buy rice. After complain from the villagers now health center they expand their work until in the afternoon and their service are better than before.

In the beginning NPA and the same as DWG want to distribute more big land to the people in that village to but the land over there is very expensive and the authority not provided us more land for house construction or for agriculture too. They only provided us 114 ha that enough only for house construction and we only divided into 2000 plot, some public are such as school, pagoda, health center, community training center, market, football place etc. If we have more land on that time maybe we can provide more to more people that we already interviewed.

I think that when NPA withdraws from the resettlement site some problems will happen because the VDC and the authorities have not gone along with each other and they don't work well together in the village. But the structure, the rules and regulations set up by NPa will continue into the future as these rules are recognized by the provincial governor, the provincial rural development director and the local authorities as well. I do hope that the authorities will really continue to monitor the site once NPA withdraws, and I hope that one day the VDC and the authorities will get along with each other.
Mr. Touch Lay, former NPA staff, Poi Pet field coordinator.


Most of the villager they think that the rules and regulations that set up by NPA and DWG are very important, because it can keep the people in the other and if they follow the rules and regulations may be the village is find and they are respect the right each other and in the village living in good environment.

I think that we should all keep the rules and regulations because it helps us to respect each other, help each other and to do good deeds in society. We are required to contribute money to the community for three years, so that the money is used by the community for repairing the school, the roads, the drainage pipes and culverts, the pump wells, the health centers and for supporting the volunteer teachers. So I am happy to contribute the community fund, although we have never received any donation as no one has died in our family.
Mrs. Cheng Mom, VDC member, and Community Health Representative, cluster 1, plot 107.

Regarding to the community funds that they collecting for every months by following the rules and regulations and that is agreement between NPA and resettles. Most of the villagers they happy to contribute the money, because they think that the money will for developed their village in the future, and also for the right purpose. But sometimes they also worry about the way that the cluster chief keeps the money, because they knew that the cluster chief is sometime cheat the community money.

I am happy to contribute because I agreed with NPA's rules to do so. But I am always concern about the way the finances are controlled in the village, and I am afraid that the community leaders will not use the money for village development. I am afraid that the community leaders cheat with the community money. I think that if there is an organization to monitor the process the village development might improve.
Mrs. Ku Chantheoun, lcuster 3, plot 21.



3-7- Sense of Community

When NPA set up this new village NPA also set up some community development committee in the village too, some community that set up by the villager in that village such as VDC by supported from Department of rural development and WPA, VLA, VHR, cluster leader, village leader and etc. The villager elects most of this people, because they work as volunteer and sometime they get support from the community fund and or other NGO that working in the same as area.

There is a health committee and well committee. I know that there were 5 members in a well committee, but now some of them have given up. I don't know why. I used to pay 5 baht every month before, but they have not collected the money for along time, not since NPA withdrew from the village.
Mr. Tong Kdop, cluster 7, plot 188.

On the other hand NPA and community help to set up all the committee, because NPA think that the community they will responsible all the activities in the village, because they are living in the village they may responsible all their community assets. If the community work their village may be better and all the materials maybe longer use.

The reason that NPA and the community organized the WPC because; the committee can help on cleaning the well, look after the well, maintenance and repair the well. The organization selected the volunteer to look after the well, and responsible for hygiene.
Water Point Committee, cluster 3.

Most of the villagers they say that they are always jointed the meeting when they are happened in the village, this they mean include the training that organized by some NGO that implementing in their village. The training that mostly conducted within that resettlement is conducted by NPA. During that time NPA have one office base in Poi Pet and we have Community Development worker base in that area too.

I always attended the meetings and they talked about village development, community organizing and environment or hygiene. I used to joint the AIDS training and health training held by ZOA before, but I never participated in human rights or domestic violence training since coming here.
Mr. Tong Kdop, cluster 7, plot 188.

When they jointed the meeting it's the same as training, because they always say that is meeting. Because when the cluster chief or group leader invite they always invited all the people in their cluster or group to attend the meeting.







I always go to attend the meetings. I am rarely absent from the meetings. The meetings talk about health, the living conditions of the people in this village, hygiene, AIDS, cholera, security. I don't know which organization it was. I also attended training on human rights and domestic violence. They talk about education and urged us to respect each other's rights.
Mr. Chan Savuth, cluster 8, plot 161.

In the beginning all the committee are works very well, but after that they are lazy and because they are lose of commitment lose of confidential because they saw the cluster chiefs they cheat the people, they took the community budget and they done any thing that support the community, such all that kind of activities make the people are not happy with and not believe on the authorities.

There are health committees, a well committee, VDC. The well committee members had a role to clean the well and repair it and my family was required to contribute some money to the well committee. The money was use for repairing the well. The money was use for the right purpose, I think, but now I don't know. They gave up working as the well committee a long time ago. I don't know why. Now I never see them. Perhaps they are too lazy to do it and they have their own business to do.
Mr. Chan Savuth, cluster 8, plot 161.

In Prochea Thom if we thing about relationship are not leally good because they only know somebody that living close together, and the other hand some of them are not coming from the same place, because they are coming the other province and most of them are not trust each other yet. Most of them they have a great experience during the Pol Pot regime that they need to close their mouth and quite. But we can see they can help all together when they have any funeral or ceremony in the village. During that time we can see they help each other by distribute some money to the dead family or they distribute some money to the new couple when they are getting married.

We don't communicate well with our neighbors because we come from difference provinces. They come from Moung, Svay Rieng, and Kompong Thom. So we have different ideas and different hearts. But we always joint the ceremonies.
Mrs. Srey Lap, cluster 10, plot 46.

There are much kind of the problems within the village and the same as some areas that close to the village too. As we know that the border area is the crossing area, and many kind of the people that they can work in those area. The poor people are more vulnerable, and they are at risk by using such kind of drug and glue, and also with trafficking and also violence.

I rarely see thieves here. Before the authorities arrested two thieves because they stole the bike and tape recorder of the cluster chief. I lost cooking pots and chickens before. There are a lot thieves in Poi Pet and there are some here. The Yama smokers there are a lot of Yama smokers in Poi Pet.
Mrs. Nam Ny, cluster 10, plot 185.

The villagers they believed that some thieves they most steal the materials or clothes and or chickens because they are using Yama or other drug. After they have no money to buy they need to steal everything for buying the drug.

I heard some people talking about Yama smokers in this village and that they steal some things in the village. I lost some of the materials that the organization provided me before. There are a lot of thieves here. They steal the chickens and the ducks. There are more thieves in Poi Pet than here.
Mr. Khov Sarouen, cluster 10, plot 10.

Most of the people that we did interview they don't know about the human traffic king to be a sex workers, but they knew some about some man or women being sold to Thailand before.

I don't know about human trafficking but I heard about women and man being sold to Thailand before, but now is quiet.
Mrs. Hem Ran, cluster 9, plot 8.


3-8- Land Management

In August 2001 and March 2002 NPA provided temporary land title to 1837 families in that village. In August 2002 NPA cooperated with department of land and construction to register the entire land plot at Prochea Thom village.

In May - July 2003 NPA and DWG are evaluated to the people that living in the plot, the purpose of this evaluation is to provide the land title deed to the families who is follow the rules and regulations of community. During that NPA and DWG are found only 831 families out of 1998 are follow the rules and regulations. It’s the first step of NPA that try to do evaluated to the beneficiaries in that resettlement site. So far NPA try to negotiate with Department of land and construction, and also with Ministry of Land and construction to reduce the fee of land title deed.

During that evaluation period they have some criteria to evaluate the entire plot, especially if they found that plot have no temporary land title they may not receive the land title deed in the future. They have the other criteria like participated in community fund, that plot look wealthy and they are able to live in the plot. On the other hand they are not pawn or sell the land.

The roles and regulations of people living at the Prochea Thom Village

Article 01: All residents of Prochea Thom village will obey the constitution and all national and local laws of Cambodia.

  1. 1.a Residents will not participate in any gambling in the village.
  2. 1.b Residents will not keep any illegal firearms or explosives in their home and will obey the national laws barring the possession of such weapons.
  3. 1.c Residents will not transport, store, or sell illegal drugs within the village.
  4. 1.d Residents will not engage in robbery or burglary within the village.
  5. 1.e Residents will not offer or pay for prostitution, either on an individual or commercial basis.

Article 02: Residents will not engage in private quarrels with their neighbors that escalate to a level that threatens their safety and property, the safety and property of their neighbors, or disturbs the general peace of the village. Residents becoming involved in such a dispute with their neighbor(s) will submit the dispute to the appropriate government authorities for resolution and will agree to follow these resolutions.

Article 03: Residents will not sell, rent out, or otherwise allow use of any kind of their plot to any individual or group unless given permission in writing by the Poi Pet resettlement-working group.

Article 04: Residents will not construct any building to be used for any commercial business within the village unless given permission in writing by the Resettlement Working Group.

Article 05: Residents are not allowing operating any loudspeaker system at such a volume that it disturbs the peace of the village. A loudspeaker system may be used for specific announcements if residents receive written permission from village government authorities.

Article 06: Residents will not raise any livestock, i.e., chicken, duck, pig, cow, buffalo, etc. without written permission from village government authorities. Permission will only be given if residents agree to raise the livestock according to hygienic standards set by the department of agriculture and NPA. Residents also agree to keep all livestock secured in an enclosure so that they cannot roam freely in the village.

Article 07: Heads of household will be responsible for ensuring that wastewater drainage channel is dug from their compound to the roadside canal.

Article 08: Heads of household are responsible for maintaining the road and drainage in front of their plot. They will ensure that the road remains in a condition that allows vehicles and people to pass without difficulty. They will also ensure that the drainage canal does not become blocked.

Article 09: All residents seven years old and older will be required to attend a standard set of health and hygiene classes conducted by NPA.

Article 10: Heads of household are responsible for ensuring that a latrine pit is dug on their plot and that the above ground latrine structure is built within the time period specified by NPA. Residents are responsible for keeping their latrine clean according to NPA guidelines.

Article 11: Residents will not litter on their plot or public areas in the village. All residents will follow procedures for disposing of their refuse as instructed by village government authorities and NPA.

Article 12: Residents understand that failure to obey the regulations of the village can result in termination of their tenancy agreement and eviction of their family from the village. Decisions on violations and eviction in regard to articles 1 through 1.e. will be the responsibility of local authorities. Decisions on violations and eviction regard to articles 2 though 11 will be the responsibilities of the Poipet resettlement-working group and NPA. For regulations 2 through 11 a total of 5 violation of nay one regulation or combination of regulations can result in termination of the tenancy agreement and eviction of the entire family from the village. Residents understand that local government authorities will enforce terminations of tenancy agreements and evictions.

How ever this rules and regulations are set up but are we know that the poor people can't follow the rules and or regulations because they have no choice. When in the families have some one getting ills and they don't have money to pay for the medicine, they can't keep that patient died, so that they need to pawn or sell the land to pay for doctor. They know its break down the rules and regulations but they have no choice.

I have a problem that I want to tell you about. Before my husband used to go work in Thailand for long periods of time and my children stayed at home, and so one day I did not have any money and I took my temporary deed to pawn it for 1,000 baht.
Mrs. Hem Ran, Cluster 9, plot 8.

Nowadays NPA try to lobby with the government to gain the land title deeds to the people at Prochea Thom village. NPA and the same as the people at the resettlement site think that the land title deeds are very important for them, because when they have the land title deed in the hand it's mean that the land are belong to them, they are the owner, no one can claim their land. On the other hand when they want to pawn or sell the land they will get higher price than before.  

I'll be very happy to get the land title because its means that the land is belong to me. When I need money I will be able to sell it. I'll it for maybe 50,000 baht or over that price.
Mr. Khov Sarouen, Cluster 10, plot 10.

Some people at the resettlement site they expected that their land maybe cost higher price in the future when they get the land title deed, and some people they say that they may not stay over there for longtime because the land is very small for them. It's maybe they can sell that land and they buy the other new land.

If I sell the land I would like enough money to buy land and to set up the business. 100,000 baht, I could sell the land and spend 60,000 baht on some new land and would have 40,000 baht left to set up a grocery business.

Mrs. Chin Veoun, Cluster 9, plot 83.

But the other people they think that they may stay there forever, because they don't where to stay, and they think that now is difficult to find the land to stay in.

I have to follow the regulations that the organization made so I can be provided with a land title deed. If I get the land title deed I won't sell my land because I want to live here. I can't live anywhere else because it is very difficult for us to find the land, and I also have many children. When I get a land title I will be very happy. I don't think that my family will ever leave the village.
Mrs. Hem Ran, Cluster 9, plot 8.

Some people in the resettlement site they say that the land isn't enough for their family, but the other people they say that the land is enough for their family. The family that they say enough because in their families they have small members not as much as the other families. Mostly in the village they have many big families. But some of hem they still complain about rice field because they don't have any rice field, but the plot of land for house construction is no problem for them.

My plot of land is enough for my family to live in but it's very difficult because I don't have any rice land outside of the village. I have the right to grow vegetables, to build a house and raise some animals.

Mr. Chan Savuth, cluster 8, plot 161.

During the evaluation NPA and the same as with DWG found that there are 560 families that they pawn the land for difference purpose, some they pawn for their living condition and some for treatment. 132 families already sold the land, some of them. they are leave the plot but some they still stay at that plot to look after for the land and wait for the land title deed that they expected to get soon. Only 691 families that they distribute cash for community fund that NPA and DWG agreed for them distributed only 32 months. The other plots that also meet with the difficulty too, such as their parents died, the other new owner on the land, not regular living, abandon, and or no temporally land title, etc.

3-9- Political Dimension

In the new village up to now they only met with two elections happened, one is Commune and Sangkat election and the other one is national election on 27 July 2003. There are many parties in that area, but in Prochea Thom village we saw that there are only four parties are active in the village. There are CPP, FUNCINFEC, SAM REANSY, Chakro Pong Proleang Khmer party. But out of that four party is only CPP is more dominant and more power full in the village.

VDC member in each cluster, that they call cluster chief most of them are involve in the CPP party because during the election campaign they are the key person of CPP party in the village. The village chief that he is the one soldier of Heng Samrin, up to now he stills a soldier and he is involved in CPP party. The rules and regulations of the VDC are not involved or they are not the part of political issues that they are very active and the key person for one political party.

I am aware of the three main political parties in the resettlement site. I think that these political parties have affected the running and organization of the size too, but I don't know exactly. The political activities have disturbed the site, and I guess that the commune councils have not undertaken any development in the resettlement site yet. Mr. Touch Lay, former NPA field coordinator, base in Poi Pet.

The structure of the government that setup so far like the commune council that elected by the people. So far they are not really active to develop in their own village, because they are only focused on their own party rather than development work. On the other hand commune council are come from the other party, and if which party are in current government they are very strong and powerful.

I have never seen the commune council work to develop the village, or to tell the people not to sell the land. The authorities and the police sometimes help the people, and sometimes they don't. I don't know why. If we want the police to help us we have to pay money to them or to the authorities. If we don't have money and we have problems we can't depend on them because they will not help us unless we have money to give them.
Mrs. Srey Phalla, Cluster 2, plot 20

During July 2003 election the people around 10,000 people that they are registered but there are around 3,000 people that they voting. The people that they missed a chance to voted they complain that the election committee not allow them to vote and the other hand the voting place are far from the village, the people from the village need to spend the money for the transport from the village to the voting place.

Some respondents they said that the authority they not allow voters that they think are not CPP for voting. But it's the gossips because they don't have any witness or any documents to show us.

The people that they living along the border area they have many experience with the border closed. Sometime happened like political issues or robber crossing the border they closed border, like in 29 January the demonstrators they burn down Thai Embassy, after that Thai they decided to close the border unilateral around 2 weeks, during that time the people that living around the borders especially the people that living at Prochea Thom resettlement site they faced with the serious problem, because they earn from hand to mouth.

If the border is close the villagers will meet serious problems because they earn the money each day to support them. If the border is closed what can people do to make a living. There are many problems for the people living here and in Poi Pet.
Mr. Op Hoeun, Cluster 2, plot 125.

Some people that they not rely on the border they said that it's no problem for them however the border close or open, because they work at the field. But it's the problem for most of the people that living in Prochea Thom village, because they have the small of land plot, they don't have the farmland, how can they do their cultivation.

If some day the border is closed, all the people here will face problems. Before when the border was closed many families found it difficult. We did not have anything to eat for several days. So I used to go and find young bamboo to eat near the border.
Mr. Thon Sambath, Cluster 6, plot 93.

Most of the people that they live at Prochea Thom village they have experience to work in the rice field, and when the coming to the border most of them are working as laborers at the border area and when the border closed they faced with the problem. Most of them are complain that if they have the farmland they don't care about even the border close or open, because they can do their cultivation on their land.

If the border is close again we will meet the problems because my work is there. I don't know what to do. If we have farmland it would be ok for us even if the border were closed a long time.
Mr. Chan Savuth, cluster 8, plot 161.

Many people at the border the same as people that coming from the camp they know how to find assistant when they have the problem with the authority in the village. Sometime they go to the development organizations, or sometimes they go to Human Right organizations asking for help.

If I have a problem with the authorities, I will depend on the organizations that I know. But I have never had a problem with them. If we depend on the security guards we have to pay them money.
Mrs. Lors Luch. Cluster 7, plot 160.

Two- Methodology

2-1- Introduction

The research in Prochea Thom is only focus on the qualitative research, Focus Group
Discussion (FGD) and Semi structure interview (SSI). We also think about quantitative research too (HH survey) but we don't have enough time to achieve that purpose. To conduct the qualitative data the research team did interview with 39 respondents. For the FGD with WPC we did discussed with 3 group of WPC, and 2 group of VHR (1 Male & 1 Female).

The information of this research also help to provided us about what NPA done so far in the resettlement site, and what is the purpose of the resettle people in that new village, and also why is that village name Prochea Thom and who is give that name?

The tools for collected this information such as SSI and FGD were developed by research unit, alls that tool have been use for collecting data at BTKC, but now we update base on the lesson learn from BTKC and use in Prochea Thom village.

2-2- Time frame

If we compare with BTKC resettlement site with Prochea Thom resettlement we can see
that Prochea Thom resettlement is bigger than BTKC. In BTKC are only 211 families but in Prochea Thom are 1998 families. We took around 2 months and half to work in Prochea Thom village. This duration is include review the questionnaire, discuses with VDC in that area, and transcribed.

Base on the research unit is lack of staff, NPA hire one part time staff to help on transcribed and translated all data from the field work is Mr. Kim San. He is an English Teacher at John Son School in Banteay Meanchey province.

2-3- Research team

NPA research unit is direct conducted the research study in that area, 2 staffs -come from
Research unit is research advisor and research officer that conducted the SSI, luckily we have the other two NPA staffs, one lady Mrs. Chak Sakhoeun she is come from field liaison and monitoring assistant and the other one Mr. Thiem Rithy he is come from land and resettlement assistant and they help on FGD with VHR and WPC. During that time Mr. Keo Sambath, he is VDC leader at Prochea Thom village he also helps on facilitation during conducted FGD with VHR and WPC. In the new year (2004) NPA will expand the research unit and will recruit some more staffs to make the research team is bigger. NPA expect to recruit two more staff for research unit.

2-4- Document review and meeting

Before conducting the research in Prochea Thom village, research unit have read and review
a lot of document that related to that village, and we have meeting with all the VDC in that village too. The purpose of the meeting with VDC or the village authorities just introduce the research team to them and also introduce the research objective to them, on the other hand to ask for cooperation from them too.

NPA research unit also did interview with Mr. Thiem Rithy, that he is the land and resettlement assistant and he most focus at Prochea Thom village; we try to dig some information from him too. On the other hand we also did interview with Mr. Touch Lay, he is former NPA staff that responsible for field coordination at Prochea Thom resettlement site. He done a lot of thing in that resettlement site and he share with us on good information that is good to write this initial report.

2-5- Selection of target village

Prochea Thom is the third of resettlement that implemented by NPA. It is base on the lesson learn from the other two (BTKC and O bey Joun). First resettlement and Second resettlement are both clear the mine before settle the people, but Prochea thom is the third resettlement but not clear the mine because no mine in that soil, but the other two resettlements NPA needs to spend a lot of money to clear the mine before resettle the people.

The research team tries to selected the third resettlement to study before second settlement because the third resettlement is only in one place (only one village) but the second resettlement are more village that NPA did resettle the people. The research team decided to finish the third first and after that RT will finish the second resettlement later.

2-6- Selection of target groups

Base on in Prochea Thom village are much more families, but the random selection we only selected 39 families to interviews. There are ten clusters that NPA divided in that resettlement, and in each cluster we only selected 3 - 4 families, some time the household that we already point out to interview but when we arrived their they are not at home or that plot they abandon, after that research team try to selected the other plot that close to that plot for interview.

For FGD we only interviewed with WPC and VHR because we found that there are only that two committee are still working. When the setup the committee in that resettlement, NPA setup more committee than that, but up to now most of the committee are not working. Total WPC member in each cluster is 25 members, but when we did the FGDs are only 8 - 10 members that they involved in the group discussion.

VHR they are quite active in the community, because now they got support from other NGOs that working in the area. Total of VHR in the village is 20, because they are two members in each cluster, but now are only 14 members still working in the community, and the other four they got the job outside the village and some people they busy with their own work.

2-7- Semi-structure interview design and implementation

We have some lesson learns from BTKC on SSI and HH survey after that we update the SSI and using in Prochea Thom village. The SSI was developed fours sets of respondents:

  • Beneficiaries
  • Local authorities
  • VDC
  • NPA staff

The information from SSI and FGD are very useful and it's the stepping-stone for writing this summary report. The research in BTKC also the one lesson learn that we can revised our SSI questionnaires, and also the lesson learn that we can communicated with all the people at the resettlement site. The information from SSI it's more useful that much more describe about their personal information, their occupation and income generation, their land management, etc.

Research team also did interview with Mr. Touch Lay that he is the former field coordinator (Presently he work for Donbosco) that responsible in Poi Pet the purpose of interview is to dig the information regarding to Prochea Thom resettlement, the research advisor also conducted the interview with Meav, she is the former programe manager of NPA (1996 - 2000?)

2-8- Focus group discussion design and Implementation

The Focus Group Discussion questionnaire is also update from BTKC too. In Prochea Thom village we did the group discussion with WPC and VHR. There are …. Of WPC member involved and 14 of VHR are involved in the group discussion.

Information that we get from FGD with VHR and WPC also help much too because we know more about how the committee setup and why most all the committee are not working. Also this qualitative data also help to write this initial summary report.

The FGD that we design is only focus on two groups of the committee that are more active and more priority that we need to talk with them, such as:

  • Water Point Committee
  • Village Health Representative

Introduction to the Research

1.1. Background

Banteay Meanchey province has a high rate of internal migration, with many people coming to the province, and particularly to the border areas, in search of work.  Poipet is often the focal area for all these migrants.  In recent years the town has developed rapidly, as the international border crossing has boosted economic opportunities.  The jobs available in these areas include farm labouring, construction work, casino staff, hand-cart transporters and traders at the Thai market.  There is also a growing second-hand clothing market, and people often find work washing and pressing clothes for sale.

The work that people can find is often sporadic and wages are earned on a daily basis.  This means that many families are unable to save money.  The living conditions of many of the migrant workers living in Poipet is very poor, overcrowded and unhygienic.

In 1999 there was a serious cholera outbreak in the squatter areas in Poipet.  The authorities appealed to some of the NGOs working in that area to help with these issues.  NPA, in cooperation with ZOA and the local authorities, tried to understand the problem and came up with the solution to move the families from the slum areas to a new village site.  ZOA and NPA interviewed the 4099 families living in the squatter areas to find out their personal information.   However, the authorities could only provide 114 hectares of land for resettlement, which, by providing families with a plot of land 15x25 metres, could only accommodate 2000 families.

The housing area in the village is 83 hectares, the public area is 8 hectares, and the road around the site is 12 kilometres in length.  The village intersecting roads are 13 kilometres in total.

Three criteria were established by NPA and the DWG to select the beneficiaries for resettlement.  The criteria were as follows:

  • Living in Poipet for three years or more
  • Have more than 5 family members
  • A daily income of less than 100 baht for the whole family

Based on this criteria, 1,674 families were selected.  As there was still space to settle more families, additional criteria was developed to select the remaining families.  This was as follows:

  • Living in Poipet for one year or more
  • Three family members or more
  • A daily income of less than 100 baht for the whole family

Based on this new criteria, 317 families were selected, making a total of 1,991 families.  But when the resettlement process was completed, only 1,700 families came to live in the new village.  Further criteria was developed:

  • Living in Poipet more than two years
  • Four or more family members
  • A daily income of less than 100 baht for the whole family.

Based on these criteria, 300 more families were selected.  Although there were 2,000 plots, only 1,998 families settled in the village because one plot was flooded and the other plot was an eroded corner plot.

The research study was intended to achieve the following objectives:

  • To document and reflect on the work of NPA and other organizations working in the resettlement areas, to highlight the lessons learned and to develop recommendations for appropriate future interventions.
  • To better understand the living conditions, coping mechanisms and perceptions of the people living in the resettlement sites and to provide opportunity for these beneficiaries to provide feedback to the development organizations.
  • To build the capacity of NPA staff and the staff of the partner organizations to incorporate research methodologies into their development work.

land situation in Cambodia

As described in the first section of the report, the land situation in Cambodia has been changing for some years now and several problems can be identified. This was by So et al. (2001) mentioned as increasing land inequality, lack of secure tenure, increasing land conflict and growth of illegal squatter areas in the cities. Some possible reasons for the increasing land inequality could be demographic pressure, large unsettled populations that have emerged throughout the 1990s, a lack of formal credit markets and also speculative purchases.

In this report we have seen some of these problems illustrated. The village is of course an answer to some of these problems as it was directed towards slum settlements in Poipet consisting of people who can be classified as unsettled populations and mainly consisted of refugees and economic migrants. Moreover, this village has also displayed some of the mechanisms that show how people are getting landless in this country and also how some people are acquiring more land. This place is special though since these people when coming to the village were more or less at the same level. All were poor. In PT we got to see then how increasing land inequality is taking place in such a setting. This is related to both a lack of suitable credit options and also speculative purchases. However, it is difficult to say in PT how many of the buyers were doing it for speculative reasons. Many probably acquired land there because they wanted to live there and it was possible to get it to a cheap price. There is however no sign of land disputes in the village which was seemed as a result of the basic structure of the village and also the clear ownership rights. However, this also meant that PT was a good place for buying land and a result of this is that the proof of ownership is being deteriorated compared to the ideal situation with every plot with a formal title.

PT is also a special case in so far that it is in the form of a social land concession program. If similar projects are going to take place in the future some of the problems discovered in PT have probably to be dealt with. The large part of the original beneficiaries who sold or pawned their land before they got the formal title is such a problem.

When it comes to the land titling process in itself there are also several issues to be pointed out. The titling process has for instance been delayed because of both a complicated application/registration process and also because the sporadic titling system is complicated to begin with. Even though this also makes it possible for individuals in certain positions to get more out of the process at the expense of the beneficiaries, most we talked to did not have large expenses in acquiring the land title. However, since only one level got compensated for by NPA this might have had the effect of slowing down the process somewhat. Also, because of lack of information people got worried about what would happen with their land titles and rumours started going about having to pay more money.

For most people the formal title was important because of the security it would get them and because of different financial gains that the title could bring. This was not least related to the title being able to get them out of trouble by giving them easier access to credit and also better terms. Also they thought that a formal title would increase the price of the plot. However, no one said that they intended to sell their plot when they received the title, even though some said that they thought others were going to do it. This can indicate that PT is an attractive place to be living in and that the push factors are stronger than the pull factors for why people are selling their plots. Push factors are here mainly problems relating to difficult living conditions, like not sufficient income and especially combined with emergency situations like sickness. Because of existing demand for land in PT and the push mechanism that have been identified it seems like the village has a development pattern where poor people eventually are giving way for more affluent people. If this is the case the village will perhaps look very different in maybe 5 years from now with more concrete houses covering the area than houses built of bamboo.

When it comes to the more general debate of property rights it has to be remembered that PT is a special case compared to other cases were land titling processes are being implemented. PT has been built from scratch on a site where it previously was forest. There are therefore no other claims of ownership or other problems regarding different forms of tenure ship for instance. It seems that formal titles can be important to improve credit possibilities for people. However, it is still difficult to say if people are going to use their titles for getting loans for business or improving their houses. This seems to be related to the income of the families as well. Without a steady income for instance, even a loan with small interest can be difficult to pay down. Also like in other land titling processes one problem is how to ensure that the poor families are the ones that are getting the benefits of the titling and not people who come from the outside and reap the benefits by getting the land in the process.

Land transfers and development patterns

This part can be seen as supplementing some of the findings of Theam Rithy in his research in 2003. He looked at reasons why families had not been able to comply with many of the conditions in the regulations and therefore were not eligible for the formal title. The main reasons for pawning, selling or abandoning the plots he cited as lack of job opportunities, health problems, market pressure and social problems.

This study has been done three years later, at a time when many families are about to receive their formal title. Even if it had been interesting to also have some statistical data to back up our findings it seems anyway that some patterns can be identified about the development in PT in the years to come. The information collected about the inhabitants was done by asking the informants about their plots and also about their knowledge about the surrounding area. This of course makes the data somewhat less reliable, since for instance many have incomplete information or are reluctant to answer on behalf of others. But the main problem seems anyway to be an inability to provide an answer in the first place. Altogether we think that the data still can be reliable enough to indicate a pattern of development in the village.

The main space is however used on describing the different cases that we entered of people either losing or acquiring land in PT.

7.1 Overall development trends for Prachea Thom 
                                                                                                                   
Two of the key points uncovered by Theam Rithy (2003) were that:

  • The inadequacy of income coupled with illness and high-interest rates on loans meant that families found themselves unable to comply with the village regulations. 
  • Poor health and illness are key factors that push people into debt and thus into pawning or selling their land.

These findings can be said to be supported by this study as well. The major reason for people losing their land in our interviews was said to be related to health problems and the following indebtedness this caused. Most of the persons asked of the reasons why they had sold or pawned their land or why they thought other families had done it mentioned this as the primary reason. Not being said that people have not sold for other reasons but for the small selection of informants available for this study this was the major reason. For instance social problems like gambling, alcoholism or drug addiction were only mentioned as reasons for problems of others and not as a cause of their own problems. This can perhaps be a result of the sensitivity of the issue or because of the small selection of informants. Anyway, these problems are not likely to have disappeared in the time since the other studies done by the NPA in the village. Health problems and indebtedness leading to losing of land will therefore most likely still be related to these kinds of social problems, without them being mentioned in this study.

Because so many of these families are living from hand to mouth without being able to save any money, it seems that these families are bound to meet some kind of problem at one point or another that makes it necessary to take upon a loan. Even if many are also receiving support from relatives and friends this is often not enough in the longer term or when the expenses are getting large. As mentioned these kind of problems are often related to health like sickness for instance, which can be very expensive as the person might have to be sent far away for being examined with the risk of not being cured, in which case the procedure often has to be repeated. Even if the sanitary conditions and the overall health facilities were mentioned by the informants as far superior in PT to the previous conditions they had been living under in Poipet, many of the parents told us that some of their children were sick or that they earlier had been forced to borrow money because of this.

Such reasons for loosing land are consistent with other studies done on the Cambodian land market as well. So et al. cited that in the majority of cases of land selling, the primary motivation “is the need for short-term cash, which cannot be met from subsistence activities. In the case of distress sales, people cited the need for cash to pay for family health care (Kampot) and/or pay off outstanding high-cost loans (Piem Ro).”  (So et al. 2001: 16)

The trend in PT can therefore be seemed as poor people eventually losing their land through either indebtedness and then being forced to hand over the plot to their moneylender or through selling it as they see no other option. However, of the people asked who had not already pawned it or was heavily indebted, few had any intentions of selling the land provided that they could sustain their current living conditions. The fact that people were eager to point out their gratefulness towards NPA and for the land given to them might have made them reluctant to tell us about their plans of selling. Still several had mentioned that being able to sell was an important option even if they didn’t have plans to do it in the present situation. Even if some thought that other villagers after receiving their title would sell in order to buy for instance agricultural land in their home province, most seemed to believe that the main reason for land transactions in PT in the years to come would be poor people leaving because of difficult living conditions, being replaced by more affluent people.
The impression is that among the original beneficiaries both the poor and the ones with sufficient income wanted to stay in the village. Reasons that were mentioned for not selling was that they did not have any other place to go and also that the living conditions in PT were perceived as good compared to other places. Positive aspects of the village that were mentioned were electricity, easy access to water and the sanitary conditions. Closeness to school could also be seen as important and not least the basic structure of the village with clear boundaries and undisputed land relations. This made PT a good place to stay at even though for many it was as difficult to get income now as before and therefore their living conditions were still a struggle.

7.1.1 People losing their land

Case study of a family about to lose their land:

Thok Thea (33) is married to her second husband and lives on the plot with him and her 4 children. Their income they get from trading garbage and their average income is about 70-80 b a day for the two of them. She tells us that she wasn’t eligible for a loan in the bank and she had to take a loan from the neighbour in order to make capital for business. She borrowed 2000 b for which they could buy for instance used bottles which they resell and make a small profit. She has to pay 20 b in interest each day. They can only manage to pay the interest and some times they don’t have enough money and have to pay more another day. She says that sometimes they cannot make enough money to support their living conditions and then it happens that they have to starve. Even if it’s a little better here than when she lived in Poipet they still live from hand to mouth. 

She is now waiting for the formal title which she turned in a long time ago. But because her first husband got sick some years ago she had to borrow 30 000 b to send him to hospital in Siem Reap. But he didn’t get better so she had to borrow 10 000 b more to send him to Phnom Penh. Later she also got the same amount and so she had a debt of 50 000 b. None of the treatment worked unfortunately and her husband died later. The debtor is now waiting to get her title. She is also wondering when it will be delivered because then they maybe will get some more money. 

The new landowner has however asked them to find a new buyer for the plot to the price of 100 000 b. If they find one, they will receive some money. She is very sorry that she had to sell it. “Even if I try all my life I will never be able to buy a plot like this.”

This case illustrates how a family can lose their land over health problems when they have no ability to pay back the loan and also in an emergency situation like this the amounts needed are making it almost impossible to pay it back. Also this is a case were the moneylenders obviously had other intentions with the plot than live on it. In this case the amount being borrowed seems to sum up to a reasonable value of what the plot could be worth. 

Generally, however, from our research it is difficult to tell about the tactics or intentions behind the moneylenders involved in the village and who have acquired land through their business. For instance if the loans are used strategically with the intentions of getting the land or if they primarily are interested in the rent and the acquiring of land is just something that happens if the borrower is unfortunate enough to not be able to pay. However, the large number of unused plots in the village can be an indication that at least some people are acquiring plots with the intentions of reselling it. It was also mentioned in some of the interviews that some plots had already been sold several times, each time with a better price. Or that plots had been bought and were now just laying empty which they meant was with the intentions of reselling it.

Case study on the problem of increasing interest:

Another family can illustrate the problem of high interest which increases over time. Kong Sophal (41) and Yoeun Sam Orn (41) have 7 children and the only income they have is his income of 50-100 b a day and around 1400 b a month from a daughter who works at the casino at the border. The wife stays home to take care of the children. They borrowed money from a moneylender in Poipet when the children got sick, with  amounts of about 2000 and 3000 b a time until they had a debt of 15 000 b. They were only to pay on the interest rate of 30 %, but after a while the sum of only the interest had become the double of the original loan. Since they weren’t able to pay back the moneylender provided them with 15 000 b more in order to acquire the land. They were forced to leave the land at the end of the month when we talked to them. Then they have to go back to the place that they once had lived, along the railway in Poipet. They are afraid that the government will chase them. 

The reason why they now have to move they say is because of NPA’s mandate now is running out. “When we got indebted the moneylender didn’t dare to chase us away because the NPA was supervising the process. But when their mandate now is up he gave us some more money to leave.” They had given the temporary title to the cluster chief to sort it out with the new owner so they didn’t know what would happen to it. Many in their area had sold their plot because they were poor, but most of them still resided on their plot. According to them most of the land buyers come from Poipet.

This illustrates the problem with high interest rates. When people are overdue with their payments the amount can increase fast since what they owe in rent are added to the original sum. In that way the amount owed in rent can soon exceed the original loan. Another aspect of this case shows the importance of authorities monitoring the process. Especially seems this to be related to NGOs which are seen to be more impartial than maybe the local authorities. As mentioned under the section about the land titling process families were worried what would happen when the NPA would end their mandate. And this case illustrates it. Also the making of the formal titles have most likely prevented many families from being chased away from their land at an earlier stage. As another woman (58) said: There have been some conflicts between buyer and seller, because the new try to chase the old away. But the old owner says that “if we cannot stay, you will have to get the formal title by yourself”.

This woman was a widow who also had lost her plot because she had to take up loan to pay for her former husband’s sickness and later funeral. She lived on the plot taking care of four children, two grandchildren and two other children whose mother had had left for working in Thailand. Now she only received money from her daughter because the other mother had stopped sending her money. She had no other income. When we visited her there were also another boy there whose mother had killed his father and now she was in jail. In our stay in PT we heard many stories like this of endless poverty and people who had passed away mostly from sickness but also from other reasons like crime. But the difference of this case compared to most others was that the neighbours who had lent her the money and also now were the unofficial owners of the plot were letting her stay on the plot as long as she wanted, even after she (or really they) would receive the official title. The neighbours had also provided her with food when she was in need and helped her build the modest house she lived in.  In return she looked after their plot which they had left in order to live in Poipet. She was very grateful towards them and they had promised her that if she was able to get the same amount as she had borrowed, she would get her plot back. They had not charged any interest on her loan. 

7.1.2 People acquiring land

So who are the people who are acquiring land in PT? Obviously there are different intentions behind acquiring a piece of land. Unfortunately this research could not go in-depth on the matter and so for instance we did not get to speak with people that admitted they were involved in land speculating. Even though some of the persons that we talked to were in a position were this could be an option if they wanted. However, they did not reveal any other intentions behind acquiring the land than that this happened through debt or selling and that their intentions with the land were to keep it. The case below shows however the opportunity this village has been for some of the original beneficiaries for making quite a lot of social progress, but also that this in some cases can come at the expense of others. 

A case study of social ladder dynamics: 

Chourn Rout (44) is living with her husband and two children on a large plot together with a sister and her son and also a brother and his wife. The income of the family is between 300-400 b a day as three members in the family have a steady income, selling clothes and doing construction work. For them their living conditions have improved much since they were living in the Kbal Spean village in Poipet. 

The plot we were visiting was once two plots, but she got her neighbours’ plot after they had got indebted to her. She says that six plots have been pawned to her altogether so now she owns seven. It’s difficult to say whether she got them by pawning or buying, but we got to know that she had acquired four plots for 20 000 b and the other two for 30 000 b. When she lent them money she had received 20 % in interest. Now she had three temporary land titles in her custody and the three others together with her own has been delivered to the village authorities in order to make the formal ones. She didn’t know what would happen to the ones that didn’t get turned in. She thought it might be up to the cluster chief (even though the real authorities on the matter would be the WG). When asked about what she think a plot is worth she says 30 000-40 000 b, but thinks that they will increase much in price when the formal title arrives. 

She had been asked several times by the neighbours to sell them plots for 40 000 b, but she didn’t want to sell she told us. On one of the plots some relatives were staying looking after it, the others were standing empty. The most important aspect of the plots was to pass them over to her children, but she also wanted to grow plants. When asked if she wanted more land in PT she answered “My wish is to have more land.” (Laughs) “If we have 10 plots we want to have 20.”

This family had obviously made some big progress in the years since they arrived to the village. The plot on which they lived was as mentioned actually two plots, but their house were a regular one, not among the poor ones but nothing special either. However, with a total of seven plots they had assets worth quite a lot. We were not able to go much deeper into each of the cases with the plots which got pawned but the people who had lost their land had done it because of the same reasons as most others. Since the families more or less should have gone through the same criteria’s for coming to the village it is interesting to see how different this have turned out for many of the families. 

Of course, even if they all should have been among the poorest to be eligible for a plot in PT, their starting point could still be somewhat different in terms of health problems, handicaps or income opportunities. Maybe these are differences that could have determined whether a family became the creditor or the debtor for instance. Because in PT there are obviously good opportunities for acquiring land if a person have some resources. In our study we got to hear about many families who had taken up loans which started out small, but which could end up big if they were not able to follow up the payment. Then someone could lose their land for the initial sum of for example 5000 b. This seems to be a golden opportunity for people without so much money to acquire land which they can sell for a very good profit.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             This study has, however, no data on how some people have been able to improve their living conditions and others not. In some interviews there was mentioned that for instance the poorest ones did not have any relatives to support them. This could be a reason why some are making it through crisis and others not. Also since many people mentioned sickness related to their children it can also indicate that at certain phases families are more economically vulnerable. Such a phase could be when the children are small and maybe more vulnerable to sickness and when they and their mother cannot contribute to the income of the family. The more money earners compared to mouths to feed the better of course. Whatever reasons why some people have made it where others have not there are little doubt by this case that some have been able to capitalize on others misfortune. 

It is also difficult to say how common it is to have more than one plot. We did not hear of any other cases of people owning several plots, but owning one extra plot does not seem to be uncommon. This can often be seen while going around in the village and we also talked to or heard about many people who had one more plot. It is easy to spot as many of these are combined into one with fences around, or where there are no demarcations between the previous plots and they are obviously being used by the same owner. For instance one part with a house on it and the other part being used to grow things on. The main reason for acquiring land was the same as always of the neighbour getting indebted or meeting such a big problem that they had to sell.

Examples of land acquiring by outsiders

There are obviously many families now living in the village that were not among the original beneficiaries. We only got to speak with a few. (Int 16) One man had gotten his plot through a previous working companion whose wife got sick and then he pawned his land for 40 000 b at 10 % interest. The contract had said that if the debtor could not pay back the money he would lose his land. The buyer was however not able to get the formal title as the former owner had not been eligible to get one since he had broken the regulations like not paying the 50 b a month. Getting a temporary title from the district authorities he had heard would cost 8000 b, so because of this he has to live on the plot with the transfer document as the proof of his ownership. This document had the deputy village chief as a witness together with two more, probably neighbours, who all provided their fingerprints. Because of the death of the deputy he told us he is not 100 % confident of his document and he will have to await the decision from the local authorities if he has to pay more money or not. This was his own speculation. However, he thinks that he is not alone to be in this situation as there are maybe 300-400 cases similar to his in the village where the old have sold and new ones have arrived. 

In another plot, the family we talked to were now the third owners and had paid 80 000 b from the previous owner. The husband in the family had bought the plot for his mother, but the transfer document was in his son name. It is only his mother who is going to live in the house, because he and his family also have land in Poipet. He has only the transfer documents which are signed by the village chief and cluster chief. Like other families we also talked to he said that he did not have to pay for making the transfer document just giving the facilitators some packages of cigarettes. When asked about if he was going to get himself an official title he said that it was too expensive, maybe about 2000 $. Even if he did not know the exact amount other people thought that a formal title would cost up to 1500 $. The village chief thought for instance that it would cost about 1300 $. This is of course an unrealistic amount of money not only for poor people, but even if it sounds unlikely these kinds of costs for registration of property have also been documented in other developing countries (de Soto 2001). As shown in the appendix, the road to formalisation is a long one.

Another aspect with the land transferring is to which degree the obligatory tax fee on 4 % is being paid (Chan and Sarthi 2002). Of course in general in a country where almost all land being transferred is of the informal kind not much tax is being paid. The tax can also in some cases be a reason for why people try to avoid more formal procedures and so they for instance get local authorities to change the name on their receipts for a small fee instead of going to the land management (So et al. 2001). The man in the latter example above also did not pay any tax and there is not any reason to think that others who have bought land in the village have done it either. First of all the people who sold them the land did not own it in the first place, but it would also have been interesting to see what happens to the formal plots when they are being transferred in the future. Then they should be obliged to pay the 4 % transferring tax of the selling sum unless they are not actively trying to avoid it. In total, the country is missing out of quite a lot of revenue and also it shows that it does not help just issuing the titles. If the procedure does not get improved and people still have to pay off the bureaucracy they will still try to avoid the formal arrangements and the previous formal titled properties will after a while get their status deteriorated because of land transactions and sub-dividing.

7.1.3 Information for acquiring land

Generally it seems that a common way of acquiring plots in the village is through relatives. Many of the outsiders who have bought their land in PT have done it through information they received from their relatives who already lives there. At least this is what the people living in PT seemed to think was the reason. In that regard the inside families will also be the ones who have the best information about the living conditions of their neighbours so then they also can tell relatives of neighbours who need a loan or maybe want to sell their plot. As a woman (49) told us: When some of the original families have rich relatives and they hear of poor people who want to sell their land they inform them so that they can come and buy it.

But PT being the largest village in Cambodia situated right outside Poipet, a place with a lot of economic activity going on, not least related to land investments it seems, the information of the village as a good place to buy land should not be difficult to obtain. As mentioned from this research it is not possible to tell if there are active land speculators in the area or just small scale operators, and therefore we do not have much data on how these are getting their information either, but as mentioned it should not be to difficult also considered how many of the inhabitants who are working at the border or in the markets in Poipet. 

We asked also the informants about if someone had tried to buy their plot. A few said yes, but several answered that no one had come and asked because the land was not for sale. If they wanted to sell they would not have a problem of finding a buyer. So it might seem like the land acquiring is primarily being done by people themselves letting out the news. 

7.1.4 Sub-dividing

It is difficult to say if there has been a large degree of sub-dividing of plots. When it comes to combination of plots it is easier to see as these often will be enclosed by a fence. In a few places we could see that one plot was divided into two parts with a fence. However, for the most cases we got to know the new plot was not marked with any boundaries and often only one half of the original plot was being used for living on. On some plots there are also more than one house. As mentioned it is common for several families to be living on the same plot, especially relatives. This does not mean that the original beneficiaries necessarily have sold parts of their plot, but it is probably not that uncommon either. 

A case study on sub-dividing:

Run Sean (55) a widower from before she received her plot lives on her plot together with two of her children who goes to school. Her third child has gotten married and lives elsewhere. Her income she derives from picking leafs and vegetables to sell at the market. She makes about 20-30 b a day. Sometimes she can make 50 b. Sometimes her children go and work other places and receive food there and sometimes they go and eat with other people. 

She has 6000 b in debt to another villager and owes now 4000 b in interest. If she didn’t pay back within a year she would lose her land. This got settled in a contract signed by the cluster chief and now the family has to move in June. This is her part of the plot. She showed us the contract which had the fingerprints of the moneylenders (husband and wife) and hers and her daughter. The cluster chief had given his signature as a witness. 

The other half of the plot she had given away for her daughter to live on. But when her daughter had complications during giving birth Run Sean had to borrow money, altogether 5000 b. This was to another moneylender. She signed a contract which provided the private moneylender with her temporary land title. After this her daughter had moved to go and work in Thailand and now no one was living there.

This is probably not a unique case. For people who get indebted with smaller loans they are not enabled to pay down, to sell half their plot would be a way to part with the loan and still have land left to live on. In this case the original beneficiary in the end lost the whole plot and as a result the plot is now divided into two parts neither eligible for a formal title and where only one creditor has the temporary land title. This land transferring had been facilitated by the cluster chief something which seems to be not uncommon. If this continues however it makes the property ownership in PT not more formal than many other places. 

However, because of the already small size of the plots (15x20 m) it is limited how much the plots can be divided. Also since the pattern is that more affluent people slowly are taking over the village on behalf of the poor ones, this might indicate that the degree of ownership structure will not deteriorate so much more in the future as these families will build more solid houses and have the means to at least obtain some form of semi-officially ownership document that is a more solid proof than a cluster chiefs signature. 

It would also be interesting to see what happens with the temporary land titles which many of the new owners now are sitting on. If they are going to be used as proof of ownership names have to be changed or these documents have to be used to get a more formal title with the blessings of the authorities. 

7.2 Prachea Thom in the years to come

It seems thus likely from the cases of land transfers above and the main reasons behind them that this land transferring is going to continue as long as families are living from hand to mouth on an asset who can help them in case of an emergency. For the ones who are making the formal title but still live on small economic margins they will, however, probably be better off than before because of the increased access to credit possibilities and also by a possible increase in the value of their plot. 

When the village authorities and villagers were asked about how they thought the village would develop in the years to come the answers were mostly indicating the same pattern as has been indicated above. As the VDC leader Mr. Sombat (54) said: 

After the villagers receive their title the area will change from huts to buildings because villagers will sell to people with more money. For poor people it’s hopeless to stay because of their living conditions. It is not a problem to move far for the villagers. Because of the policy situation in Cambodia it is easy to sell a plot and move. People will move to a place were they can get a job.

The most common answer to the question was that poor people would leave and more affluent people would buy and after a while build houses of more permanent structure like concrete. When we visited the village there where many concrete houses already and also quite a lot of building activity. Many of these were owned by the original beneficiaries, but the impression was also that these types of houses often were built by newcomers to the village. And most of the outsiders we talked to had a house of concrete. These houses can vary from pretty basic concrete houses, to more expensive ones, for instance partly covered by coloured tiles both on the outside and inside. 

There are also a lot of plots lying empty in the village. At every line it seemed that at least a couple of plots were lying empty, or at least with no house on it. From the research in 2003 it was clear that 28 plots had been abandoned so this cannot be an important reason for all these empty plots. A guess would be that most of them has a new owner already, but who stays absent for whatever reasons. Maybe the building activity is going to catch up after the formal titles have been delivered or maybe this is going at a slower pace, but the plots will probably not be staying empty forever.

 The rate of land transferring is impossible to predict out of this study. It seemed to be very different between some areas in how many who already had sold their land. In some places we were told that most families had sold their plot in other areas not so many had sold. However, in most of the interviews, we got to know of at least some people nearby that had sold their plot or lost it through debt.

Most people therefore predicted that the village would improve over the years as the poor moved out and people with more money moved in. Also some mentioned future plans of making Poipet a city which and thought that this would also benefit Prachea Thom. Others said however that they thought the improvements in the village would go slower when NPA pulled out and also there were made complaints about the newcomers to the village not knowing about the village regulations and therefore did not care about littering for instance. Still, the overall impression we got from the villagers and their authorities was that the village is going to change in the future with the bamboo houses giving in for concrete and that it is dubious that it will be the same people living there then as now.

7.3 Concluding remarks

NPA when giving out the plots in the initial phase gave information about the value of having a formal title and that people should not sell but keep their plot in order to at least capitalize on the increasing value these plots would get. The informants seemed also to be aware that a title is important and that it also would increase the value of their land. But as many cases showed, when meeting a crisis pawning or selling the land can be seemed as inevitable. However it is not sure that all people are aware of the real value of their plot and also even if they are the circumstances can make them vulnerable for other people to take advantage of their situation. Like one woman (36) told us: People from Poipet wanted to buy my plot for 60 000 b. Because my husband got into a fight at work we had to sell half our land in order to pay compensation. But when I needed to sell my other half I only got 12 000 b from another villager here in PT. I’m very upset by it. 

Because of the nature of many of the land sales, like distress sales or forced sales through debts, it seems like many of the poor people transferring their land to others are not getting what their land is really worth. Some of the informants pointed out poor people’s living conditions as a way for other people to acquire land cheaply and that people also were speculating on giving high interest loans in order to take over their land. It seems, however, difficult to prevent people from selling their land. And also it can be perceived as unavoidable face to face with an emergency.

7.3.1 PT as social land concession

These kinds of problems of losing land through distress sales or indebtedness from health problems or other reasons have not only been documented in PT, but also have been documented in other studies elsewhere in the country. In PT however this is in the context of a social land concession. This is a resettlement village which land has been provided by the government for helping poor people squatting in Poipet to a better place to live. Even though it also came into place as an answer to an emergency when an epidemic of cholera had broken out and got facilitated by NPA who have covered most of the costs except the land itself. This village is not under the social land concession law, but has been implemented largely in accordance with it. For example are the regulations fitting to the ones in the social land concession law. As far as we have gotten to know by now the law of social land concession have not been brought into practice, but hopefully it will in the not too far future and then PT could be a case of experience.

With regards to the overall number of original families who are going to get their formal title, it will have to be asked if this is satisfactory. To ensure that every family are following the regulations seems however as an overwhelming task. The findings in this report would however point to the many families who are losing their land through reasons of poverty as a major obstacle to overcome. It can be seen as a problem that the resources that was being used for making the village a good place to live in, combined with the location close to Poipet, have made it also a good place for making land investments. The main problem is that this started to happen before the titles had been issued and so the original beneficiaries did not get even the benefit of an increasing price. What is worse is that it seems like many have lost their land for amounts of money that are far below what the plots seems to be worth. For many it is mainly interest that is being calculated into the final selling price being mentioned. 

Not being said that people have not benefited from the process. In the interviews people were very grateful and even though for some it became very temporary at least they had something that gave them a one time benefit in some kind or another. The other side of the coin is that the resources being put into the resettlement village are then in many cases being taken advantage of by other people who have exploited the people this project was meant to benefit. This seems not to go well together with social land concession.

The obstacle to be overcome is then 1) how to prevent people from getting into the situation were they have to take high interest loans and 2) how to prevent moneylenders to acquire the land meant to benefit the poor. 

For the first problem it has been mentioned that many are losing their land through taking high interest loans. It seems that without a formal title even if people have access to credit in a bank like the VB they still have to take these kinds of loans when meeting a crisis. Some indications were given that with a formal title this could be easier, but this is yet to be proven. These high interest loans are often related to issues like health. Some kind of credit access directed to this problem would then seem to improve the families’ chances of keeping their land during these kinds of hardship. One way could be through an equity fund. More to come… Shall get some research results from a friend of Marc’s who said that these funds have targeted this problem with success. 

For the second problem it seems like an issue that could be dealt with within the laws and regulations that already exists. But in our interviews with village authorities, cluster chiefs and one of the commune council members it seemed that their opinion was that so long as the two involved parties agreed on the land transferring through a contract, this made it their problem and not for authorities to be interfering with. Another commune council member said however that the private moneylenders anyway break the business law which should in the first place make such a contract eligible for scrutiny. The land law is quite clear as well on the ability for creditors to take the land of their debtors. A creditor can never become the owner of a piece of land even though he might have the right to cause a sale of the property to recover his debt. Anyway, for the latter to take effect a contract has to be made before the competent authority (that is not the cluster chief) and then be registered with the cadastral administrative body. Finally, these transactions that have been taking place in PT seem all to have been made on a false foundation. Before the original beneficiaries receive their formal title to the plot they can be seen to have a right to their plot of land, but this is only a right which can be taken away from them if they do not follow the regulations that has been set up. As we have seen many of the original beneficiaries have lost this right to the formal title and will not receive it. This happened both before and after the temporary title had been given away. The authority to decide whether families are eligible for the formal title or not, is the WG. This means that before the families receive their title they do not own the land and they cannot therefore engage in legally binding contracts of transferring for this is officially still government land. The government should therefore also be able to take back the land from the people who have acquired it. The original beneficiaries have then lost their right to the land of course, but the new owners do not seem to have any right to it either. 

The point then is that it seems that the government has both the right and sufficient reasons to do something about this situation. In theory they could take the land back and give it either back to the people who lost it for an unreasonable price or reallocate it to someone else who are filling the criteria for social land concession. To let land speculators have it seems not like a good idea as it undermines the very purpose and idea of social land concession. Also land speculation can also be seen as a reason to some of the land problems in Cambodia in the first place, like also stated in So et al (2001). 

But this is a bit more complicated than just a question of enforcement if transferred to other resettlement villages. For instance if this was to be enforced, the possibility for getting loans from private moneylenders would probably be less and then other credit possibilities would have to be available, or else people would be in an even worse situation because their plot would only be of value as a place to live on. An alternative would maybe be to ensure that people who are transferring their land to others are getting a fair price from their plot. This would however be a kind of acceptance towards the breaking of the regulations and how it should be done is also another matter that will not be proposed here. Maybe a kind of village legal advisory service could be an asset in villages like this. At least then people would know where to get information if they wanted it.